massachusetts women's political caucus
 
 
Boston Phoenix 3.25.05

What Women Want
A new report sheds light on why Boston municipal government has traditionally been a man’s world — and how that reflects the obstacles women face in every realm of Bay State politics
By Deirdre Fulton

 

THERE’S SOMETHING to this idea of a New Boston. Changing demographics undoubtedly helped usher in victories for Andrea Cabral in last year’s Suffolk County sheriff race and for Linda Dorcena Forry in last week’s special state-representative elections. The strong showing by Stacey Monahan, one of Dorcena Forry’s opponents, also demonstrates that women are connecting with voters with more and more frequency. But for all that, oddly, New Boston’s momentum has yet to sweep through the Boston City Council — a traditional launching pad for Massachusetts political careers.

How’s this for glacial progress: in 80 years, only nine women have been elected to the city council, according to As Tough As It Gets: Women in Boston Politics, 1920-2004 , a report released Thursday by the Center for Women in Politics and Public Policy (CWPPP) at the University of Massachusetts Boston. Right now, two women serve on the 13-member body; and they, like their predecessors, are white.

The report, which is the first to provide a comprehensive history of women on the council, shows that far fewer female candidates than male ones run for city council — and that they face significant hurdles when they do. That’s not to suggest women are absent from City Hall or other high-profile city posts: City Clerk Rosaria Salerno (a council alumna), Police Commissioner KathleenO’Toole, Massachusetts Department of Correction commissioner Kathleen Dennehy, Department of Neighborhood Development head Charlotte Golar Richie, and the city’s chief financial officer, Lisa Signori, to name just a few, spring to mind. But those are all appointed positions.

To be fair, the city council’s dramatic gender imbalance is not entirely the fault of city voters, who have, at one time or another, sent strong female candidates such as Marie St. Fleur, Marian Walsh, and Dianne Wilkerson, as well as Dorcena Forry and Golar Richie, to the state legislature.

As it turns out, according to the CWPPP report, the dearth of women on the council results from several factors:

Women in general are simply less likely to decide, on their own, to run for office. "Women are less likely to step up to the plate — they really need to be recruited," explains Mary Fifield, president of the Massachusetts Women’s Political Caucus, an organization that works to get more women elected to office, among other goals. "It really is sort of a latter-day version of sixth grade. You know, girls and boys get to the sixth grade, and boys are still thrusting their hands up in the air, all the time, with the answers. If they don’t have the right answer, they’re still comfortable taking a shot at it. Girls stop putting their arms up."

That’s why women with a "kinship network," or pre-existing political connections, have fared so much better, says report co-author Kristen Petersen. They have mentors to nudge them forward and guide them, as well as the support to get past political hierarchies traditionally dominated by men.

To create that kind of political foundation, experts advise getting involved in neighborhood associations, ward committees, other political campaigns, or state-party organizations.

Boston’s c ity-government structure is not conducive to women’s dipping a toe into the political waters. "I think there is a lot of evidence to suggest that Boston is a city whose diversity in its politics was hindered greatly by the elimination of an elected School Committee," says Senator Wilkerson, suggesting that female candidates often get their foot in the door as a result of their interest in their children’s education.

In addition, the strong-mayor/weak-council relationship has historically allowed Boston mayors to perform a "key gate-keeping role in determining who can and cannot win a city council seat," according to the report. (Seth Gitell, a spokesman for Mayor Thomas Menino, says this mayor has never played a gate-keeping role for either male or female candidates.)

Political organizations interested in promoting female candidates need better coordination and more-effective strategies. "You have to build an infrastructure, and you have to consistently field candidates that are credible, and to whom that infrastructure can become attached," Sheriff Cabral says.

This type of infrastructure, attentive to organization and strategy, doesn’t really exist for women on the municipal level, and therefore the benefits of creating a "farm team" of city candidates (who can later be funneled up through the state legislature and even on to bigger posts) are too often elusive. However, recent signs suggest that political organizations are getting "smarter about strategy," Wilkerson says. "I think there’s a piece missing: the opportunity for sitting elected officials to mentor," she adds. "We have not done all that we could to cultivate and encourage from an internal perspective."

Women must be more creative in their fundraising strategies, especially if they don’t come up through the party ranks with family support. Women aren’t as adept at asking for money, the report says, and, interestingly, unless they "do business in town" they are less inclined to give to political candidates. That said, women also lack access to built-in networks and informal venues such as the golf course.

"If our process is weeding out people who don’t have means," Fifield says, "that’s a serious problem for democracy."

As sweeping as the CWPPP report is, local political observers say two other issues play a role in the gender disparity. One of them was invoked by Harvard president Lawrence Summers in his controversial speech on January 14: forcing women to choose between professional and family goals may chase them away from the political arena. National statistics, which show that 86 percent of elected officials younger than 35 are men, suggest that many women wait until after they have children to run for office.

"We have to take into account these things that slow women down in other career sectors as well," says Patricia White, who ran for an at-large council seat in 2003, lost, and is trying again in 2005. "Why don’t we have more female CEOs? Why don’t we have more women in senior roles in business or media or otherwise? The larger issue here is work-family balance. With politics, we haven’t figured that out yet." But, she adds, "[Women] shouldn’t have to make that choice." (White, it should be noted, will be a walking experiment in perfecting the politics-family balance during this campaign — she’s due to have her first child in July.)

The report didn’t even consider another factor: "Women have better things to do," one political observer says, pointing out that women today have more professional careers from which to choose than their predecessors did. "There’s lots of options available for women. And then they make the decision — if they can make a six-figure salary doing x, y, or z, why should they be in the city council, getting phone calls in the middle of the night when the snow isn’t plowed?"

IT WILL never work differently if we don’t try to do something about it," says Rosaria Salerno, who ran for city council in 1987 without any traditional political connections — and won. Salerno is still in City Hall, serving as Boston’s first female city clerk. "It’s going to be tougher for women, and they have to prove themselves a hundred times more than men do."

"You cannot be thin-skinned," agrees Maura Hennigan, whose famously thick skin has protected her through more than 24 years of rough-and-tumble city-council politics, and who announced last week that she will finally take on Menino in the 2005 mayoral race.

While Hennigan still describes the council as "kind of a male club," she’s excited about what women can accomplish once they land a seat at the table. "Women often tend to approach things differently," she says, an opinion echoed by many high-powered female — and male — officials who spoke to the Phoenix for this article. "They’re consensus builders. They’re not back-room-deal types."

In 1993, Hennigan, Peggy Davis-Mullen, Diane Modica, and Maureen Feeney (who, unless another woman is elected in 2005, will be the last one standing after Hennigan leaves) were dubbed "the Kelly Girls" when they served simultaneously and formed something of a voting bloc. With a united front, the four councilors were able to make advances on issues such as easier access to mammography services and day care.

Still, the two high-profile female candidates who are bound to make waves this fall — Hennigan and city-council candidate White — refuse to tie their candidacies to their gender. Instead, both strive to highlight their records and their passion on issues such as housing and education. According to As Tough As It Gets , many female candidates start out in politics by getting involved in the issues that most closely affect their daily lives and communities (hence the importance of the School Committee).

"You can’t say, ‘I’m running to be the first woman,’ " says Carol Hardy-Fanta, CWPPP director and study co-author. "But you can ... within yourself and your supporters, highlight what a woman can bring to the office that a man might not be able to bring."

To get there, however, much work needs to be done. Organizations such as the Massachusetts Women’s Political Caucus, the Massachusetts League of Woman Voters, and CWPPP itself have all taken steps toward promoting the political participation of women of all ages and parties. Such support networks are important to have, especially in the fledgling stages of a candidacy, when deciphering paperwork, fundraising, and campaign operations can seem daunting.

In the end, nothing is more effective than experience. "I don’t think attending a workshop is going to prepare you to run," White says. "It’s not going to help you run for office. What you have to do, you have to plan — it’s really not that different than when men run for office ... Take [former councilor] Rosemarie Sansone, for instance. She listed off what she had done, over the years, to prepare herself for a candidacy, for office."

With a combination of New Boston energy and well-prepared candidates on the ballot, there’s a good chance the city could make strides toward council diversity — and that’s a worthy goal.

"You can have people who will be strong and champion causes for other groups," Golar Richie says of some male colleagues. "But there’s nothing like having that person, herself, standing up there as a role model."

Deirdre Fulton can be reached at dfulton@phx.com

 

 

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